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Korea-Japan Relations: ‘The Challenge is Ours to Meet’

At the 22nd KF Forum, held at Seoul (March 9, 2010), University of Tokyo Professor Kang Sang-jung gave an insightful and passionate presentation on “New Korea-Japan Relations Seen Through the Eyes of Kang Sang-jung.”



Born and raised in Japan, Professor Kang Sang-jung is a second generation ethnic Korean resident of Japan. He was the first person with South Korean citizenship appointed to a professorship position at the University of Tokyo. He is a scholar and critic of the times who, through his media commentaries and academic papers, has made known his viewpoint that: “Ethnic Koreans in Japan have their own opinions about global affairs.” In contrast to specialists on Japan from the West, Professor Kang is better informed about the internal circumstances of Japan, along with having a personal understanding about the life of an outsider in Japan. He has continuously scrutinized issues related to Korea, Japan, and Asia, along with repeatedly calling for new directions. The following is a summary of the highlights of his presentation.

Challenges for Korea-Japan Relations
These days, Korea-Japan relations are relatively positive. According to a survey conducted last year, 70 percent of the Japanese public said they have a friendly attitude toward Korea. Although somewhat lower than the 80-percent mark that Japanese people maintain toward the United States, Japan’s favorable sentiments toward Korea are double its 35-percent level toward China. In addition, the number of Koreans and Japanese who visit each other’s country now reaches about five million annually. Nevertheless, there are also obstacles that need to be overcome. These sticking points include such matters as historical issues, Dokdo Island, North Korea, political rights of ethnic Korean residents in Japan, and Japan’s trade imbalance with Korea.
To resolve history-related issues, Korea and Japan need to pre-pare textbooks that reflect the general public’s opinions of the two countries, similar to the efforts undertaken in France and Germany, which sought to promote reconciliation through a better understanding of their historical relations. As for the dispute over Dokdo Island, there is no need for Korea to respond emotionally to any absurd statements or claims from the Japanese side. Korea maintains full control of Dokdo, and Japan cannot challenge this situation. It should be pointed out that Canada and the United States have a dispute over territory, but this matter does not interfere with their overall bilateral relations.
Korea and Japan maintain differing stances toward the issues of North Korea and unification of the Korean Peninsula. Over time, it will be necessary for these differences to be narrowed, so that bilateral cooperation can remain on track. Again, it should be noted that French President Mitterrand supported the unification of Germany. Similarly, Japan needs to lend its support to Korea’s unification. As for the issue of allowing ethnic Korean residents in Japan to vote in local elections, a favorable outcome seems likely if the Democratic Party of Japan continues to remain in power. Finally, Japan’s chronic trade imbalance with Korea is not a situation that can be rectified over a short period of time. In this case, the conclusion of a Korea-Japan FTA is likely to be a key first step toward an eventual resolution of this trade disparity. Uncertainty of Japanese Politics
Japan’s regime change in 2009 is an especially significant milestone, in that there has not been an electoral shift in political power over the past 150 years. It is thus necessary to understand the internal circumstances of the Democratic Party of Japan in order to forecast the future direction of Japanese politics. Currently, the Democratic Party is composed of several factions, including the original Democratic Party group led by Prime Minister Hatoyama and Foreign Minister Okada, a former Liberal Democratic Party group led by Democratic Party Secretary General Ozawa, and a former Japan Socialist Party group headed by Yokomichi.
Especially close attention should be paid to Ozawa, who has played a pivotal role in engineering this regime change. In light of the fact that he has the ability to influence the release of information and to push selected reforms, he is likened to the role played by Russia’s former president Putin. A probable scenario for Japan’s politics depends on various factors: If the Democratic Party wins the House of Councillors election by an overwhelming margin, the Liberal Democratic Party is likely to be sidelined thereafter. But, if the Democratic Party loses, it might end up being splintered into conservative, moderate-conservative, and liberal factions. The current political debate in Japan is centered on the issues of “values,” “relations with Asian countries,” and “U.S.-Japan relations.” As such, Japanese politics is finding its way through unchartered territory.
Japan is also facing a serious financial crisis, amidst rapid changes. The No. 1 problem for Japan at the moment is its budget deficit, which amounts to some 800 trillion yen, far more perilous than the case of Greece in Europe. The budget deficit may lead to a drastic depreciation of the yen and place the Japanese economy in a serious bind, similar to the Greek situation. High suicide rate, aging society, and low birthrate are also casting a dark shroud over Japanese society with long-term implications. There is, however, zero chance for Japan to abandon democracy and return to militarism.

New Era for Korea and Japan
Japan’s regime change involves significant ramifications for Korea-Japan relations as well. For sometime now, relations between Japan and Korea have centered on the long-reigning Liberal Democratic Party and the frequently shifting administrations in Korea. Nowadays, to maintain friendly Korea-Japan relations, the Korean side needs to replace its former focus on the Liberal Democratic Party with an emphasis on the Democratic Party. As the host country of the upcoming G-20 Summit, Korea needs to capitalize on this valuable opportunity to heighten its presence within the international community. This is a chance to prove itself as a “dynamic dolphin,” rather than a mere shrimp between the whales of China and Japan.
Of particular note, the rapid development of Korea has resulted in a positive impact for Korean residents in Japan. Some 40 years ago, Korean residents in Japan were called “half-Jap.” But with the recent emergence of Korea, the status of overseas Koreans has enjoyed a remarkable improvement. Today, the Korean community in Japan includes fifth-generation Koreans, while first-generation Koreans only account for a seven percent share of Korean residents in Japan. Second- and third-generation Koreans in Japan, who are the most active in society at this time, understand the situations of both Korea and Japan. If you look at France and Germany, which provide broadcast services in French and German, KBS and NHK should make more of their programming available in Korean and Japanese, so as to promote closer Korea-Japan relations. Ultimately, the importance of Korea and Japan to each other cannot be denied.
As such, Professor Kang Sang-jung called for a “deepening of relations” between Korea and Japan. As a Korean resident in Japan, Professor Kang has experienced a kind of lack of identity, being neither Korean nor Japanese. Recently, he has expressed high expectations for bilateral tourism, with about five million visitors from Korea and Japan now visiting each other’s country annually. Despite the uncertainty of Japan’s politics, Professor Kang foresees a new age of closer cooperation between Korea and Japan, as they develop a better understanding of each other.

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